This aim of this thesis is to explore how youth life unfolds in Hovseter and Røa, two neighbouring areas characterised by social and spatial contrasts. Located in Oslo’s affluent West End, Hovseter stands out in this social and spatial landscape of detached and semi-detached houses and upper-middle-class ethnic majority residents due to its higher share of working-class and ethnic minority residents, tall apartment blocks, and social housing apartments. Policies on social mix in the Norwegian welfare state constitute the context for the thesis, in which policymakers aim to counter segregation and encourage social and cultural integration by promoting a diversity of social groups within neighbourhoods. Through the urban area programme Hovseterløftet, a youth club was initiated in order to promote social mixing and social bonds between working-class minority ethnic youths from Hovseter and upper-middle-class majority ethnic youths from Røa. This aim was in line with policies on social mix, in which policymakers assume that youth with less social and economic resources will benefit from creating social relationships with more resourceful peers. It was this particular context that motivated me to ask how social and spatial differences materialised in the daily lives of youths from Hovseter and Røa, how these differences influenced social interactions and relations, and lastly, how they affected the youths’ perceptions of school and their educational aspirations. The thesis is based on exploratory research conducted through participant observation at the local youth club and secondary school as well as qualitative interviews with youths from Hovseter and Røa. The thesis draws on observational and narrative data, which has been analysed through a broad theoretical framework with emphasis on both spatial and social perspectives. I have used theories and analytical concepts regarding social mix and integration, social class and educational aspirations, and boundary work and place attachment. One of the main findings of the thesis is that even though working-class ethnic minority youths from Hovseter and upper-middle-class ethnic majority youths from Røa live in proximity and attend the same school, they live different lives and do not engage in close friendships. The youths’ daily life was structured by social class, making social inequalities an important reason why there were few social bonds between adolescents from Hovseter and Røa. Group identity and sense of belonging contributed to the formation of friendships, and symbolic boundaries based on class, ethnicity, and residency were drawn, to some extent hindering the creation of diversified groups. Whereas the club mainly attracted youths from Hovseter, the school did to some degree facilitate crossing social networks, although these did not manifest themselves outside the institution. The institutional habitus of the school was influenced by the high share of upper-middle-class pupils, contributing to a norm of valuing academic work which benefited youths from both Hovseter and Røa. The findings indicate that social inequalities are difficult to overcome, and that neither the school, the youth club nor the proximity in geographical space have managed to promote bridging social capital among adolescents from Hovseter and Røa, despite the context of policies on social mix, the Norwegian welfare state and the large presence of upper-middle-class residents. The thesis has contributed to a broader understanding of youth in Oslo’s West End, a group few scholars have studied, and demonstrated that many of the social processes in these areas differ from those of the East End. Therefore, policies regarding youth, social mix, and integration call for contextualised means. Finally, I argue that the findings from Hovseter and Røa might in some aspects be illustrative of social processes within areas where working-class and minority ethnic groups constitute a minority amidst a middle-class and ethnic majority.