Globalisation has opened and expanded its approaches to new needs and policies for development, somewhat serving as an instrument to introduce new discourses, agendas, and policy paradigms across the globe (Bonal & Rambla, 2009; Dale 1999, 2005). In fact, privatisation and market-oriented education policies have not affected all national States in the same way (Ball, 2013). Despite the private provision on higher education has remarkably increased across Latin America (The World University Rankings, 2018), Uruguay stands out for having remained somehow apart from the privatisation agenda widely spread in the region (Bordoli & Conde, 2016). More recently, research has identified a significant shift in the discursive order, especially driven by a series of new actors including local think-tanks, civil society organizations, and policy entrepreneurs favourable to different forms of privatisation in primary and secondary education (D’Avenia, 2013; Verger, Moschetti, & Fontdevila, 2017). Nevertheless, there are not studies which tackle the emerging and existing shifts in the higher education discursive order in Uruguay. In this respect, the Uruguayan case is characterised by the appearance of most private universities during the 1990s, by the expansion of their educational supply in the twenty- first century, while keeping a relatively low private enrolment rate in higher education over the decades. Based on the Advocacy Coalition Approach, this thesis addresses two purposes. First, it attempts to map out which non-State actors and typologies of coalitions are involved into the privatisation of higher education. Second, and most important, it aims to draw the discourses and strategies increasingly been used by those actors in order to frame and promote policy ideas that seek a rise of the private supply in Uruguay. Methodologically speaking, the case study is based on the triangulation of three main methods: First, document analysis focusing on the main reports and education policy briefs produced by both, the public and private sector, between the 90s and 2017. Second, we conduct 21 in-depth interviews with policymakers, key informants, and public and private sector stakeholders. Third, and aligned with the first method, we used discourse analysis of a radio programme and press articles written by influential scholars. By using thematic analysis, the study shows how a small but influential number of scholars, private institutions and non-State actors have become increasingly involved in the process of promoting ideas that seek to influence policymaking by searching and creating spaces from which they can advocate for their ideas. The findings reveal that private universities, small groups of scholars from private universities (but with mediatic impact) and a few politicians had to organize themselves in the form of coalitions to impact on the policymaking, investing efforts on defining the need of the existence of a private sector to compensate the shortcomings of the public sector as the solution to the social needs and the market requirements. These ideas are broadcasted through depicting “good practices” and social demonstration programs; networking strategies’ dynamics; and legitimization and media advocacy campaigns. Moreover, we have proved that local think-tanks did not play a key role on Higher Education, but, transnational organisations are penetrating into the debate by means of seeking alliances with existing local institutions. Overall, this study can inform us about educational reform processes in other countries of the region, especially in selection and retention phases, where first, the prioritization of certain practices and meanings emerge, and later, the institutionalization of strategies/mechanisms is carried out to impinge on the public policy formation.