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dc.date.accessioned2013-03-12T09:26:07Z
dc.date.available2013-03-12T09:26:07Z
dc.date.issued2000en_US
dc.date.submitted2002-10-01en_US
dc.identifier.citationDuesund, Janne. Hizbullah. Hovedoppgave, University of Oslo, 2000en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10852/13283
dc.description.abstractThis thesis is an analysis of the process of political Islamic revivalism in Lebanon, on the basis of Hizbullah as an example. I have concentrated on two main questions. Section one examines what conditions where behind the political mobilisation of Shiites in Lebanon, that eventually led to the creation of Hizbullah. Section two analyses Hizbullah s position in the Lebanese political landscape, in relation to the political system and Amal. In section one I try to show that radical Islamic movements in Lebanon have grown out as a result of crisis conditions that have plagued the country. Such crises include the failure to achieve a balanced socio-economic development, political oppression, civil wars and foreign interventions, and a lack of unity within the Shiite community. The variable of modernisation was the first to be analysed. In my perspective, modernisation in Lebanon promoted political mobilisation among Shiites in two ways. First, by revealing differences among the sectarian groups more openly. Second, by bringing general advances to all groups, even though some will lag behind the others. The second variable to be analyse was the role of the political system in Lebanon. Due to a rigid quota system and demographic changes, Shiites became underrepresented in parliament, in positions in the civil service and the ministries. Shiite political leaders who were meant to represent Shiites, were not able, and at times unwilling, to meet demands from its own sectarian group. As a result, Shiites gave their allegiances to social and leftist forces that further accelerated their mobilising efforts. These secular and leftist movements lost appeal, and Sadr was there to fill the vacuum. He developed a distinct Shiite sectarian movement, and was the founder of Amal. The third variable behind the Shiite political mobilisation has been connected to the civil war and foreign interventions. Rather than being direct causes on mobilisation efforts, these factors escalated and trigged development trends that were already present in Lebanon. Shiites became more frustrated, more enraged and more deprived in comparison to other sectarian groups. The Israeli invasions in 1978 and 1982, and the occupation from 1985 until this year, played an important part in the creation and growth of Hizbullah. The Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979, with its radical ideology and vision of Islamic order, also encouraged Shiites in Lebanon to work for an Islamic republic. However, Iran s influence on Hizbullah has often been overrated. The emergence of Hizbullah as a distinct Shiite movement is connected to Amal s political development. The fourth variable therefore concerns internal disagreements within the Shiite community. I have tried to indicate that Hizbullah was formed as a reaction to secularisation and moderation within Amal. Section two analyses the process of political consolidation. Hizbullah did not have a clear profile as a political party until 1992, when it participated in the parliamentary election. It had initially been reluctant to work within Lebanon s political system, but it ran in the election and it did well. This step heralded the political consolidation of Hizbullah as a responsible political party in parliament. The party has since then become an important political factor in Lebanon. When Hizbullah entered the political stage, there where discussions concerning consequences to the political system. Hizbullah aims at abolishing the confessional system, and replace it with a majoritarian regime with proportional representation. Some observers fear that the system will fall under Hizbullah s control. The fear is that Hizbullah will gain majority and create an Islamic state in Lebanon. Although Hizbullah aims at establishing an Islamic state, few factors indicate that this will be a realistic scenario in Lebanon. What is a more important is the fact that Shiites in Lebanon have been politically underrepresented since the establishment of the state, and despite minor changes in the Taif Accord, Shiites are still to a large degree excluded from political power. Some observers argue that Hizbullah will most likely be absorbed by the Lebanese confessional system. It is suggested that political practices will make pragmatists of once radical and militant groups, and that the political system will hinder Hizbullah s political ambitions. Because of the confessional system, Hizbullah s chance to develop as a political party lies in its ability of winning Shiite votes. Still, Shiites in Lebanon have divided loyalties, with Amal and Hizbullah as the main Shiite parties. Hizbullah s strength today is connected to its effectiveness as a political party, and its ability to take care of Shiite needs. This is done by combining military and welfare movements to its political party. Hizbullah s Islamic Resistance and welfare institutions are efficient endeavours, and are respected by most Lebanese. This respect is transmitted to Hizbullah's reputation as a political party.nor
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.subjecthovedoppgave statsvitenskap Libanon politikk hizbollahen_US
dc.titleHizbullah : the political mobilisation and consolidation of radical shiites in Libanonen_US
dc.typeMaster thesisen_US
dc.date.updated2003-07-04en_US
dc.creator.authorDuesund, Janneen_US
dc.subject.nsiVDP::240en_US
dc.identifier.bibliographiccitationinfo:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:ctx&ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft.au=Duesund, Janne&rft.title=Hizbullah&rft.inst=University of Oslo&rft.date=2000&rft.degree=Hovedoppgaveen_US
dc.identifier.urnURN:NBN:no-35590
dc.type.documentHovedoppgaveen_US
dc.identifier.duo1480en_US
dc.contributor.supervisorRania Maktabi og Nils Butenschønen_US
dc.identifier.bibsys010007059en_US


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